Op-Ed: Do we want to educate students to assume guilt?

Tonight’s discussion of, and possible vote on, the Alternative Review Process for sexual assault cases may be a defining moment for our campus. In deciding to keep our current standards of due process in such cases – the presumption of innocence, a reasonable doubt standard, a jury of six, the right of confrontation, and a prohibition on double jeopardy, among other protections – or to abandon them in favor of a system where an accused student is not presumed innocent, may be convicted on a bare preponderance standard, and has no right to an open hearing, to call or cross examine witnesses (including the accuser), or to be represented, we decide what kind of citizens we want the university to educate.

Do we want to educate students to assume guilt? Or do we want to educate them to take seriously the notions of due process central to the protection of our rights outside the university setting? Many have argued that a university’s judicial board is not a criminal trial, and is more akin to civil proceedings in which a preponderance standard prevails. That is not the case. In the adjudicatory context, universities are more like societies than private entities. In a civil proceeding, private citizens sue other private citizens, and the remedy requires the wrongdoer to pay the plaintiff for the wrong he has suffered. No other penalty attaches. Here, however, the accused stands as a member of the university’s society, and it is the society that is prosecuting him; and societal punishments attach to a conviction. One need not elaborate on the consequences of long-term suspensions or expulsions – the student is deprived of an education, has a permanent record, will find it much more difficult to secure employment, and the like. These kinds of consequences do not follow from any civil proceeding of which I am aware. Even so, civil proceedings in the United States also have several of the protections the ARP would deny our students, from the right to call and cross examine witnesses in an open hearing, to representation, and to a unanimous jury verdict of between six and twelve peers.

It is true, as a legal matter, that the university can adopt whichever policy it wants. It can adopt the protections afforded defendants in criminal trials, civil trials, or no protections at all. The question is which process it ought to adopt. It is important to point out, moreover, that it is not true as a legal matter that Stanford University must comply with the “Dear Colleague” letter from the federal Department of Education, which urged universities receiving federal funding to adopt a preponderance of the evidence standard. I raise this point because it seems to have been of particular concern to some students on the Graduate Student Council.

As the letter itself states, all the law actually requires is that “all recipients… adopt and publish grievance procedures providing for the prompt and equitable resolution of sex discrimination complaints.” The key is what constitutes a “prompt and equitable” resolution. The author of the Dear Colleague letter stated that a “school must use a preponderance of the evidence standard” if it is to be consistent with Title IX. This is simply not the case. Schools must use this standard if they are to be consistent with the Education Department’s guidance, but guidance documents are not enforceable as law. Their rules must go through the notice-and-comment process spelled out in the Administrative Procedures Act. Guidance documents have come to dominate the regulatory scene, but as the Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit has written, “It is well-established that an agency may not escape the notice and comment requirements… by labeling a major substantive legal addition to a rule a mere interpretation.” If a guidance document purports to make law that is not established in a congressionally enacted statute, “[t]his it cannot legally do without complying with the rulemaking procedures.”[1] The Department of Education has not complied with the rulemaking processes here, and Stanford University need not follow its lead – and perhaps we ought not to.

 

[1] Appalachian Power Co. v. E.P.A., 208 F.3d 1015, 1024, 1028 (D.C. Cir. 2000).

 

Ilan Wurman, J.D. ’13

 

  • Concerned

    This is utterly misleading.  
    “ One need not elaborate on the consequences of long-term suspensions or expulsions – the student is deprived of an education, has a permanent record, will find it much more difficult to secure employment, and the like.” 
    None of these things are true.  The student is no longer to attend Stanford, but is entirely able to continue his/her education elsewhere.  There is no notation on the transcript regarding the offense, which means no “permanent record” or difficulty securing employment.

    Furthermore, this entire conception is prioritizing the education of the possible perpetrator over the education of the potential victim.  

  • Iam

    Agree with the Op-Ed. False accusations and prosecutorial misconduct are one of the most insidious problems in the real world. The presumption of innocence and the conviction beyond reasonable doubt exist for a reason. Professional prosecutors have been mislead many times to convict innocents even with those safeguards, how can we expect that a bunch of amateurs are going to be any better at guaranteeing the accused’s rights with a lower standard? Nonsense.  

  • ScethStXellus

    1.

    Where the author has asserted a checkable fact, ie, about the permanent record, your assertion appears correct and theirs incorrect, according to Michelle Dauber. However, if a person is asked about their suspension they typically must answer and answer truthfully; whether that answer is one that will not be used against them in employment, or in a later case where a lawyer wishes to paint their character ill, is not so easy for you to deny.

    Side Remark: It is a poor defense of the Alternative Review to claim that its effects in mishap would be less impactful.

    — — —
    2.
    “Furthermore, this entire conception is prioritizing the education of the possible perpetrator over the education of the potential victim. ”

    This statement is at best false.

    Everyone is a possible perpetrator and potential victim; the judicial process determines whether either anyone is a perpetrator or victim. A shortcut process will not make a more accurate determination.

    There is also the issue of the rights of the parties at hand: and in this case, where the accused, “has no right to an open hearing, to call or cross examine witnesses (including the accuser), or to be represented,” is in violation of the rights granted by the ASSU constitution, which the ARP bypasses, a a system that flawed couldn’t work without a constitutional bypass.

  • Concerned

    “Side Remark: It is a poor defense of the Alternative Review to claim that its effects in mishap would be less impactful.” 
    I was not defending ARP on those terms, I was merely stating that the cited section of the editorial was not factual and was in fact misleading.

  • ScethStXellus

    Understood. I didn’t assume you were, so I should not have put that in there.

  • Emma Pierson

    This article is deeply disingenuous. We are not educating anyone
    to “assume guilt”. Even if the preponderance of evidence of standard
    were a general rule, voting for the story you find more probable is hardly
    “assuming guilt”. More importantly, the preponderance of evidence
    standard is not being proposed as a general rule, but as a response to the fact
    that the vast majority of sexual assaults go unpunished because the standard of
    proof beyond a reasonable doubt is near-impossible to achieve in these cases,
    and effectively amounts to assuming innocence. There will be terrible mistakes
    under either standard–innocents who are convicted, rapists who walk free–but
    empirically, the latter is far more likely under the status quo in a way it is
    not for other crimes, and that imbalance demands that we shift power back to
    the victims. 

    Studies show that the rate of false rape accusations on college campuses is
    3-6% (http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=124001493).
     They also show that the rate of convictions for rape on college campuses
    is roughly 3%
    (http://articles.chicagotribune.com/2011-06-16/news/ct-met-campus-sexual-assaults-0617-20110616_1_convictions-arrests-assault-cases).
    In case you haven’t noticed (I know law students don’t like math) these numbers
    are literally backwards. They imply that false accusations or prosecutorial
    misconduct are trivial problems compared to the number of rapists who walk
    free; 90% of accusers are telling the truth and get no justice. We would literally get far more accurate results by “assuming guilt”, although this is obviously not what’s being advocated. I’m a student
    in artificial intelligence; in AI, when you misclassify the vast majority of
    your data as false negatives, the obvious solution is to lower your threshold
    for positivity. That is what we advocate here. 

     

  • Iwurman

    Sorry for the error –  I wrote this under a tight deadline, but suffice it to say I should have written “effectively a permanent record.” The point is that having a gap on your resume, or enrolling in a lesser school, or having “discontinued” written on your academic transcript is something you will always have to explain everywhere you go. That’s not easy to carry around with you forever. -Ilan

  • ScethStXellus

     Your logic here is circular (3).

    1.
    The 3-6% rate given in the article linked (note to those who click it: remove the closing parenthesis in the URL) does not cite any definite collection of studies. Metrics of “false rape allegations” usually count “unfounded” allegations by some interpretation of that word, with no progress to be made on the report due to inconsistencies in the allegation.

    2.
    Your sources do not suggest that the populations examined by your statistics are the same, and there is also no suggestion that we can extrapolate them reliably to each other’s populations and still get a “backwards” relationship outside of the margin of error. That makes a comparison of them unreliable, and the conclusion you make specious.

    3.
    “90% of the accusers are telling the truth” does not mean that 90% of the accusers are telling facts.

  • Clarification

    Restraining orders are issued in civil courts, using a ‘preponderance of the evidence’ standard, and often by a single judge.  Suppose I abuse my partner and s/he files for a restraining order and receives one.  If I work where my partner works, I have to change my job.  If I am in a class with my partner, I have to leave the class.  If I live with my partner, I must find a new place to live.  If we have children together, I likely will not have custody of those children. All of those consequences are exactly analogous to the maximal consequences Stanford can assign.  If I am expelled from Stanford, I must change where I live, possibly where I work, and certainly my education from Stanford, all things that could equally be consequences of receiving a restraining order.

    Regarding a permanent record, restraining orders are more permanent and damaging to my life than a transcript that does not specify why I was expelled.

    I would expect a law student would not have overlooked something so basic.

  • TROs

     The difference being, restraining orders are frequently lifted. Turns out, that providing almost no due process means a lot of mistakes are made: http://www.dailyfinance.com/2010/03/30/the-high-price-of-restraining-orders/.

    “The Nestler-Letterman case seems to be an outrageous example of such
    frivolous injunctions, but it highlights several problems. Letterman was
    not notified of the hearing and was not present for it, so he couldn’t
    present evidence on his own behalf — an apparent violation of due
    process that let Nestler set a complex, expensive legal operation into
    motion.”

    “It’s hardly surprising that restraining orders have become the preferred
    response to domestic disputes, given how easy it is to issue them. But
    their abuse comes at a considerable financial and social cost, both to
    society and to families that leap toward legal separation with a single
    call to the police.”

  • Clarification

    The main point was that the author of the article claimed that “No other penalty attaches” besides monetary damages in civil cases.  That is incorrect: restraining orders.  Your point (TROs) was (presumably) that we should not base our system on restraining orders because there are too many false positives with restraining orders. I respond that this evidence should not abandon using restraining orders as a model because 1) the estimate of false positives in that article is much too high and 2) even if the restraining order system were broken, that doesn’t mean it has the wrong standard of proof

    1) You are assuming that all restraining orders that are “withdrawn or dismissed” are issued falsely.  That is wrong, since at the very least there could be many other reasons someone would withdraw their own order.  It is well-known that it often takes those in abusive relationships multiple attempts to leave, so they might issue a restraining order and then withdraw it if the abuser apologizes or threatens.  The system is not as bad as this article (which mostly relies on the research of a research organization that opposes the Violence Against Women Act).

    2) Even if the restraining order system were broken, there could be many reasons why it was broken besides the standard of proof.  The definition of abuse usen, the training or educating of judges, and other aspects of the process all likely play a large part.  The article cites the Letterman case, but there a major problem was probably that Letterman was never notified, which is not the case in Stanford’s system

  • Christy Holstege

    This article goes on a long-winded explanation of administrative law to avoid explaining why, as a matter of policy, Stanford should not adopt the guidelines (binding or not) of the Office of Civil Rights and the Department of Education, as almost all other institutions of higher learning have done. Just come out and say it (and leave behind the disingenuous idea that by adopting a process that aids so-called “accusers” we are training every stanford grad to assume guilt as citizens).

  • This is scary.

    As someone who has volunteered in a Temporary Restraining Order Clinic for two years, I can tell you first-hand that the Letterman example is not typical for the process, and restraining orders are not frivolous. From what I’ve seen, nearly 1/3 of requests for orders are not granted for want of evidence. A shocking number of victims never come back to pick up their granted orders, because of the effects of the cycle of violence (going back to the abuser out of love, feeling trapped, fear for your life, for your children, etc.).

    You really had to reach there for a random article to back up your point, didn’t you?

  • Cotwa

    Emma Pierson wrote:  “[T]he vast majority of sexual assaults go unpunished because the standard of proof beyond a reasonable doubt is near-impossible to achieve in these cases, and effectively amounts to assuming innocence. There will be terrible mistakesunder either standard–innocents who are convicted, rapists who walk free–but empirically, the latter is far more likely under the status quo in a way it is not for other crimes, and that imbalance demands that we shift power back to the victims.”

    First, there has never been a study, a report, or even a legitimate educated guess that there is a rape epidemic because the “beyond a reasonable doubt” standard is too high.  This is another, and the most drastic, in a long line of attempts we’ve seen over the past 30 years to make rape easier to prove. We are consistently told that none have ever worked.

    Second, the fact that there is rarely strong evidence in he said/she said rape cases is scarcely a valid justification for making it easier to punish the presumptively innocent. Just the opposite: it is a sound reason to be ever more vigilant of the possibility of punishing an innocent person for something he or she did not do. 
    A wrongful acquittal is a terrible thing, but it is never the equivalent of a wrongful adjudiciation of guilt.  The risk of getting it wrong is why the standard of proof has to be higher than “preponderance of the evidence.”  Students have an enormous interest in not being wrongly expelled for sexual assault because such punishment can be tantamount to, and is sometimes worse than, a deprivation of liberty. “The consequences for someone expelled for sexual assault are enormous and will follow him throughout his life, leading to rejection by other schools, inability to qualify for the bar and a great deal of stigma,” Cornell law professor Cynthia Bowman recently said. “To impose those consequences on someone requires a rigorous standard of proof and many due process protections to ensure fairness.”

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